Category: campaign against Frontex

  • Front-Lex

    Front-Lex

    Taking the EU to Court

    The First Legal Action v. Frontex :

    Press Release (Adobe Acrobat Document 234.6 KB)

    Full Document (Adobe Acrobat Document 841.8 KB)

    https://www.front-lex.eu//

    Taking the EU to Court

    EU migration policy aims to stem migration flows from Africa at all costs. With a 90% decrease in arrivals to EU soil, this policy is highly successful.

    It is also genocidal. The costs in human lives and rights are unprecedented: 20,000 deaths in the Mediterranean and 50,000 survivors in “concentration camps-like conditions” in the past 5 years. And counting.

    EU migration policy constitutes a flagrant breach of all the international and European law frameworks regulating migration and borders: refugee, human rights, maritime and criminal law.

    For the first time since WWII, European institutions, governments and officials are committing countless crimes against humanity.

    These atrocious crimes are targeting the most vulnerable population on earth: civilians in need of international protection.

    Front-Lex reinstates the Law at Europe’s borders by holding the EU, its Member States and their officials responsible.

    Through legal actions and public trials, we will seek to terminate EU migration policy, provide remedy for its victims, and hold the culprits to account.

    Front-Lex is organising a civil tribunal in Brussels in 2022 on the liabilty of the European Union, its institutions, agencies and members, and of individual politicians responsible for crimes against humanity at EU-borders: Asylum and Migration Tribunal. Please join!!

  • Asylum and Migration Tribunal (AMT)- a civil society Tribunal

    Asylum and Migration Tribunal (AMT)- a civil society Tribunal

    (Brussels 2021/2022)

    The Asylum and Migration Tribunal (AMT) is an ambitious new project:

    An initiative taken by refugee organisations and outraged individuals.

    Since the numerous protests against the homicidal European deterrence policy towards refugees – rightly called Europe’s disgrace by some – have remained ineffective, we shall be forced to take legal action against those responsible.

    The European Union, its members and associates, their governments, ministries, responsible policy makers, and functionaries should be held accountable for their crimes against refugees in the Mediterranean and at the EU borders.

    This project is inspired by the International Monsanto Tribunal in The Hague 2016, which reunited hundreds of participants from different continents. Witnesses, victims, and experts described the violation of workers’ and consumers’ rights, the health injuries as well as the damage to Nature this multinational corporation has caused by spreading its toxic chemicals all over the globe through criminal activity. This tribunal attracted considerable attention. A small group of five renowned and recognised expert judges unanimously agreed on a legal opinion, which constitutes a precedent in the fight against the crimes of a multinational corporation.

    Numerous scientific studies confirm what is already obvious: refugees are forced to choose dangerous routes because legal and safe pathways are blocked.

    Countless injuries and deaths have been recorded by NGOs as well as official international agencies.

    When the European Union and its members withdrew their sea rescue efforts, many rescue organisations documented the violation of human rights and the failure to provide help for persons in distress at sea facing mortal danger. This is one of the main charges for the Tribunal.

    Technical investigations have recently brought to light concrete evidence for physical injuries, repression, and other violations, made known by journalists and social media. Furthermore, there is growing evidence and criticism of the complicity by European states and institutions in human rights abuses by buffer states like Libya, to where EU border control has been externalised.

    For the Tribunal, we want to assemble a group of renowned judges from European countries in order to hear expert reports, statements by refugees, and their advocates’ pleas.

    The possible charges (failure to help, accessory to murder, violation of sea rescue regulations, human rights abuse etc.) will be thoroughly examined by lawyers and experts beforehand.

    The experts’ assessment and the final legal opinion of the judges will provide a legal basis for subsequent trials.

    The Tribunal will also rehabilitate aid agencies, sea rescuers, and refugee workers who have been wrongly criminalised. Assistance is a human duty, not a criminal offence.
    Preventing people and civil organisations from giving aid, on the other hand, is inhuman. Those responsible must be held accountable.

    We will create a European documentation centre and connect organisations and individuals working in the Mediterranean or at the external borders in order to share their knowledge and experience.

    Our goal is to collaborate with righteous members of the European Parliament willing to actively support our cause.

    Front-Lex

    Plantage Doklaan 12

    NL-1018 CM Amsterdam

    The Netherlands

    https://www.front-lex.eu/

    info@front-lex.eu

    twitter: @LexFront & @AsylumTribunal

    Wanting to subscribe to newsletter, send a mail to: info@front-lex.eu

    Questions or comment, write to: info@front-lex.eu

    complaint in 2019 at the International Criminal Court in The Hague: EU Migration Policies in the Central Mediterranean and Libya (2014-2019) by Omer Shatz and Juan Branco

  • From Sudan to the Netherlands, an 11 year journey

    From Sudan to the Netherlands, an 11 year journey

    During the Corona lockdown, we interviewed Ibrahim, a Sudanese asylum seeker who lives in Amsterdam. In this article, he shares the story of his journey from Sudan to the Netherlands.

    31/10/2020 / Amsterdam Alternative #033 / Text: Ibrahim*, allincluded.nl (Vincent de Jong, Gabrielle Fradin)

    My name is Ibrahim and I’m originally from Sudan. Before leaving, I worked for ten years as a taxi driver in both Sudan and Cairo, Egypt. I had two cars and was renting one out to a friend. I wanted to go to Europe to get a better life and be able to support my family, my mother and my four sisters.

    In 2009, at the age of 26, I decided to leave Sudan. I paid around 5000 euros to the smugglers to get me to Greece. I got in touch with them through a friend of mine. I first went to Istanbul where I stayed for a day before taking the bus to Izmir where the boat to Greece was going to leave.

    In Izmir, the smugglers, a group of Turkish men, drove us to a nearby beach in the middle of the night. They pumped up the dinghy (an inflatable boat) and gave us a life jacket each. As we entered the boat, everyone had to hand over their telephones. One of the Turkish smugglers drove the boat. His job was to drop us off and return to Turkey. About 40 people shared this dinghy made for 10. As I was the last one to step on the boat, I found myself squeezed besides the boat engine and the petrol-filled jerry cans. There were passengers from many different countries: Sudan, Libya, Morocco, Ghana, Algeria and Afghanistan.

    image: Gabrielle Fradin

    For the crossing, different people payed different prices. I know some people from Syria who paid 18,000 euros to come to Europe. In general though, it’s around 1,500 euros per person, adding up to 60,000 euros for a dinghy with 40 people. Smugglers make a lot of money!

    We left Turkey around midnight. It was January, it was cold, rainy and the sea was very rough. After a while on the water, I saw that petrol was leaking from the jerry cans and realised that we probably wouldn’t have enough petrol to make it to Greece. On top of it, there was quite a lot of sea water splashing in the boat and, as it mixes with petrol, it can cause serious caustic wounds on your skin. I was in a terrible spot, next to the engine. The skin on my legs was burning so much but I couldn’t move as the boat was overcrowded. I had to hold on to the sides with both hands. Moving would mean to fall in the sea. And I can’t swim! I just sat there for 3 or 4 hours, as my left leg was getting completely burned.

    We ran out of fuel and the engine stopped. Everyone started to panic. Some people were screaming. At that point, it felt like there was no way we could make it to the other side. We were still very far away. We felt trapped in the middle of the sea, in the freezing cold. We eventually managed to take the smuggler’s phone and contact Greek emergencies.

    Some time passed. In my memory it was like a scene from the movie Titanic: I was about to drown when the hand of a Greek coastguard appeared. He saved me and brought me back to life. Then I lost consciousness again. Next thing I know, I was safe on the coastguard’s boat. I think ten of us drowned that day. As I recovered on the Greek boat, I saw the Turkish smuggler being beaten up by the Police.

    We arrived on the Greek island of Samos, and I was directly taken to the hospital where I stayed for almost three months to heal and recover. My skin was very badly burnt during the crossing and looked like that of a cooked fish. During my recovery, my skin came off layer after layer. I went through three operations in the first three weeks. It took me two months to start walking again.

    I decided to leave for Athens as soon as I could. At that time, getting the ferry to the mainland was still possible without much trouble2. I contacted my sister in Sudan to transfer money for the second part of my journey: from Greece to the Netherlands where friends told me to join them. I paid 500 euros for a fake passport and a plane ticket from Athens to Paris. I was so excited to leave Greece!

    Everything ran smoothly afterwards. I arrived at the airport in Paris and took the metro to the city centre. I stayed there one night before taking the train to Amsterdam. I didn’t have much time to see Paris. I hope one day I can return and visit the Champs Elysée. When I arrived in Holland, I immediately started an asylum procedure at Aanmeldcentrum Ter Apel, in the North.

    After staying one and a half years at several asylum camps, I got a letter notifying me to leave the country because I had lost the asylum procedure. The immigration service did not believe that I was Sudanese. As I didn’t really understand what the content of the letter meant, I went to the police station myself where, to my surprise, I got arrested and taken to the Zeist Detention Centre. I stayed there for six months. This was in 2011. In this period, the Immigration Service brought me to three different embassies: Sudan, Chad and Egypt. They needed a laissez-passer, a one-way travel document, from an embassy to deport me. As these attempts failed, I was released after six months of detention. During this time, I worked hard to learn Dutch, watching the soap Goede Tijden, Slechte Tijden every day. I was convinced I had to understand the language.

    Oona Raisänen

    Then, I joined We Are Here, a group of undocumented asylum seekers, at the squatted Vluchtkerk in Amsterdam. In 2013, after being stopped by the police for an ID check, I was taken back to the Zeist Detention Centre for three months. This second time in prison was really difficult. I felt very stressed and annoyed as I was detained for no other reason than the fact that I didn’t have papers. Then, the court decided in favour of my release as the police had stopped me on the basis of racial profiling.

    As I came out, I joined We Are Here again at the Vluchtflat squat. Together, we lived in most areas of Amsterdam. Over the course of eight years, we got evicted from 15 different locations! Constantly moving got too stressful after a while and being a stuck together in this situation didn’t make it easier either. I left the group in 2018. It’s pretty hard to look back at that time as most of my friends from the We Are Here group have papers now. It feels like it’s all down to luck really.

    At a certain point, a Sudanese friend of mine asked me if I wanted to cross the Channel to England on a dinghy for 500 euros. I told him I had taken enough risks. He is in Great Britain now.

    For three years, I have a passport and my birth certificate from the Sundanese embassy. I’m doing the procedure for the fourth time but this will be the last. I can’t go on like this for the rest of my life. If I don’t get asylum within the next six months, I will go back. It’s really difficult but it feels like I’m wasting my life just waiting for something to happen.

    I have seen more than enough. My mind is very tired. Still, I try to cope by putting out there what I feel inside. I find that this is very important for my mind, to feel a bit better. That’s all I do. I also pray a lot.

    I’ve now been in a difficult situation in the Netherlands for eleven years, that’s a very long time. How do I look back on those years? I don’t think it should be possible for everyone from Africa to come here. And yet I have come. Live isn’t always straightforward. I tell my story to give something back after receiving solidarity from some Dutch people. And perhaps to make other people think. I don’t want to feel anger. I have to deal with my life. Anger is a problem. I don’t want a problem. I just want to live.

    1) The name has been changed to protect his identity
    2) Unlike today when migrants are forbidden to leave the Greek islands without official permission.
  • Free the El Hiblu 3 – dismiss the trial immediately! Resisting illegal push-backs to Libya is not a crime.

    Free the El Hiblu 3 – dismiss the trial immediately! Resisting illegal push-backs to Libya is not a crime.

    [Fr] en dessous

    FREE El Hiblu 3! – the site

    The Rescue – A flimsy raft, more than 100 souls, and three teenage heroes—or are they pirates? (Zach Campbell / The Atavist Magazine 2019)

    Appeal to stop the criminalisation of three young migrants in Malta.

    In late March 2019, a rubber boat with 108 people on board, was escaping the Libyan coast and trying to reach Europe. Coordinated by an airplane of the Eunavfor Med operation, the people in distress were found and rescued by the merchant vessel El Hiblu 1.


    During the rescue the captain of the El Hiblu 1 reassured the people that they would reach a port of safety in Europe. Following the order of European authorities, the crew tried to return them to inhumane conditions in Libya, from which they had just escaped.


    When the rescued passengers realised they were being returned to Libya, they began to protest. Collectively they were able to prevent being pushed-back. The crew re-directed the El Hiblu 1 and steered north towards Malta.

    Nobody was injured during this protest, nothing was damaged. When the Maltese military stormed the vessel in Maltese territorial waters, they expected “pirates” or “terrorists”, but they only met humans who were seeking help and hoped for a safe place.


    Three of the 108 rescued passengers – 15, 16, and 19 year-old teenagers – were arrested as the ring leaders of the protest and accused of several crimes, including terrorism. They were immediately detained, taken to a high security unit, and then imprisoned in Malta for seven months. They were eventually released on bail in November, 2019.

    Having been released on bail, the three have to register every day at the police station. They continue to face a severe prison sentence if they are found guilty of the charges. Clearly, the Maltese state is trying to make an example of the three, in order to deter others from similarly resisting push-backs to Libya.

    The three teenagers were acting as translators and mediators during the protest on board. Their imprisonment and prosecution constitutes a deep injustice. Instead of being prosecuted, the “El Hiblu Three” should be celebrated for their actions in preventing the return of 108 precarious lives to Libya.

    As signing organisations and groups, we demand the immediate dismissal of the trial.

    We agree that protesting illegal push-backs to Libya is not a crime.

    We demand the end of all illegal returns to Libya and mass human rights violations resulting from Europe’s collaboration with the so-called Libyan coastguards.

    We will continue to work toward corridors of solidarity and the fair relocation of refugees and other migrants in welcoming cities all over Europe.

    [Fr]

    Libérez les trois détenus du El Hiblu – annulez le procès immédiatement !Résister à des refoulements illégaux vers la Libye n‘est pas un crime.

    Appel pour mettre fin à la criminalisation de trois jeunes migrants à Malte.

    LES EL HIBLU 3! – le site

    Fin mars 2019, un bateau en caoutchouc avec 108 personnes à bord, s’échappait des côtes libyennes et essayait de rejoindre l’Europe.

    Suite à la coordination d’un avion de l’opération Eunavfor Med, les personnes en détresse ont été retrouvées et secourues par le navire marchand El Hiblu 1.

    Pendant le sauvetage, le capitaine du El Hiblu 1 a rassuré les personnes à bord en leur disant qu’elles atteindraient un port de sécurité en Europe. Suivant l’ordre des autorités européennes, l’équipage a tenté de les renvoyer dans des conditions inhumaines en Libye, dont ils venaient de s’échapper.

    Lorsque les passagers secourus ont réalisé qu’ils étaient renvoyés en Libye, ils ont commencé à protester. Collectivement, ils ont réussi à empêcher qu’ils soient repoussés.

    L’équipage a redirigé le El Hiblu 1 et s’est dirigé vers le nord, vers Malte.

    Personne n’a été blessé lors de cette manifestation, rien n’a été endommagé. Lorsque les militaires maltais ont pris d’assaut le navire dans les eaux territoriales maltaises, ils s’attendaient à des “pirates” ou des “terroristes”, mais ils n’ont rencontré que des humains qui cherchaient de l’aide et espéraient débarquer dans un endroit sûr.

    Trois des 108 passagers sauvés – des adolescents de 15, 16 et 19 ans – ont été arrêtés en tant que meneurs de la protestation et accusés de plusieurs crimes, dont celui de terrorisme.

    Ils ont été immédiatement détenus, emmenés dans une unité de haute sécurité, puis emprisonnés à Malte pendant sept mois. Ils ont finalement été libérés sous caution en novembre 2019.

    Ayant été libérés sous caution, les trois personnes doivent se présenter tous les jours au poste de police. Ils sont toujours passibles d’une lourde peine de prison s’ils sont reconnus coupables des faits qui leur sont reprochés.

    Il est clair que l’État maltais essaie de faire un exemple des trois, afin de dissuader d’autres personnes de résister au fait d’être ramenés en Libye.

    Les trois adolescents ont joué le rôle de traducteurs et de médiateurs pendant la manifestation à bord. Leur emprisonnement et les poursuites engagées contre eux constituent une profonde injustice. Au lieu d’être poursuivis, les “Trois du El Hiblu” devraient être célébrés pour leurs actions qui ont empêché le retour de 108 vies précaires en Libye.

    En tant qu’organisations et groupes signataires, nous demandons l’annulation immédiate du procès.

    Nous sommes d’accord que protester contre les refoulements illégaux vers la Libye n’est pas un crime.

    Nous exigeons la fin de tous les retours illégaux en Libye et des violations massives des droits de l’Homme résultant de la collaboration de l’Europe avec les prétendus garde-côtes libyens.

    Nous continuerons à œuvrer en faveur de couloirs de solidarité et de la réinstallation équitable des réfugiés et autres migrants dans des villes d’accueil dans toute l’Europe.

  • “privatized push-backs” – Legal Case against Italy with the UN Human Rights Committee

    “privatized push-backs” – Legal Case against Italy with the UN Human Rights Committee

    GLAN has filed complaint against Italy with the UN Human Rights Committee on behalf of an individual whose journey from Libya was intercepted in the high seas by the Panamanian merchant vessel, the Nivin. The complaint is the first submitted to an international human rights forum aimed to the phenomenon of “privatized push-backs”, whereby EU coastal States engage commercial ships to return refugees and other persons in need of protection back to unsafe locations in contravention of their human rights obligations.

    CASE: PRIVATISED MIGRANT ABUSE

    The cooperation and collaboration between Italy and Libya on migration and border control has a long history. In the framework of the 2008 Treaty of Friendship, Partnership and Cooperation, Italy carried out several naval operations intercepting irregular migrants and returning them to Libya. In 2012, after the European Court of Human Rights delivered its judgment in the Hirsi Jamaa and Others v Italy, this direct modality of migration control was suspended. Thereinafter, the Italian government adopted strategies that increasingly involved ‘contactless’ measures, yet exercising strategic control over the Libyan Coast Guard, which has operated as its proxy to intercept migrants and bring them back to a country in which they would be subjected to extreme forms of violence and exploitation.

    The adoption of a ‘closed port policy’ and the progressive criminalisation of rescue NGOs, coupled with the retreat of the European Union’s search and rescue missions at sea, left a gap in the Mediterranean. In that vacuum, only two actors remained present: the Libyan Coast Guard and merchant ships. Merchant ships became therefore unwillingly mobilised towards a modality of strategic delegation of border control, rather than one of rescue, in the attempt by the Italian government to avoid accountability for human rights violations.

    [Warning: Distressing imagery] A video op-ed by the New York Times of their investigation into the increasing number of partnerships by state actors in Mediterranean search-and-rescue operations. With contributions from GLAN.

    In the afternoon of November 7, 2018, the Italian Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre (MRCC) instructed the Nivin to rescue a distressed migrant boat and to liaise with the infamous Libyan Coast Guard (LYCG). The LYCG then directed the Nivin towards Libya, where the captured passengers staged a stand-off, resisting their illegal debarkation. Libyan security forces violently removed from the vessel after 10 days using tear gas and rubber as well as live bullets. The claimant was shot in the leg and was arbitrarily detained, interrogated, beaten, subjected to forced labour and denied treatment for months.

    The legal submission made use of evidence in a report compiled by Forensic Oceanography, part of the Forensic Architecture agency based at Goldsmiths, University of London with Charles Heller as lead investigator. The report, published today, combined the analysis of multiple sources of evidence to offer a detailed reconstruction of the incident. It demonstrates that privatized push-backs have risen sharply since June 2018. The result is that seafarers are being used by states seeking to circumvent their obligations towards refugees.

    The complaint sets out an argument that Italy and other states are breaching their obligations under international law by using private merchant vessels as an instrument of refoulement – the returning of refugees to where they will suffer persecution and torture. By relinquishing its responsibility to offer a port of safety, Italy violated its human rights obligations, including under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention Against Torture.

    ​The case breaks new ground as it calls attention to the ways in which merchant vessels are being implicated in border violence. Seafarers are increasingly being compelled to take responsibility for migrants and make risky choices of their own – choices that may lead them to act illegally and result in deaths not to mention bearing the costs of imposing border control. The Nivin incident represents a further development of the externalisation of border control and a new modality of delegated containment of migrants. This policy threatens to annul fundamental rules of public international law, such as the jus cogens norm of non-refoulement; as well as the principle of disembarkation in a place of safety, recognised under customary norms of the law of the sea.

    Migrants sleeping aboard the Nivin

    Wider Context

    In May 2018, Forensic Oceanography published its Mare Clausum report, which demonstrates that Italy and the EU have implemented since 2016 a two-pronged strategy aimed at stemming migration across the central Mediterranean. The strategy aimed to oust rescue NGOs from the Mediterranean, on the one hand, and outsource border control to the Libyan Coast Guard on the other by providing material, technical, and political support. The role of the EU and Italy in creation and maintenance of the Libyan Coast Guard is decisive as demonstrated in the SS v Italy case that GLAN filed in May 2018 in partnership with Forensic Oceanography.

    This strategy has been accompanied by the progressive retreat from the Mediterranean of the EU, which narrowed the geographical scope of its missions and increasingly deployed assets that are not equipped to perform search and rescue activities. In this scenario, the only actor left at sea alongside the Libyan Coast Guard is merchant vessels. Due to the inability or unwillingness of the Libyan Coast Guard to perform duties related to search and rescue, merchant ships were called upon to contribute to filling this gap.

    Between June 2018 and June 2019, a total of 13 privatized push-back attempts were recorded, a list that is most probably incomplete, as indicated by Forensic Oceanography. Much of this is related to the implementation of the Mare Clausum strategy, exacerbated by the so-called “closed ports” policy in Italy, which prevented ships that carried out rescue operations to enter Italian territorial waters to disembark rescuees.

  • « LA PAROLE AUX MIGRANTS » conference Rabat

    flyer:Conférence Rabat 2018
    texte & programme: Texte Conférence & Programme

     

     

     

     

     

     

    CONFERENCE INTERNATIONALE DES MIGRANTS AU MAROC, 1-2 dec. 2018 in Rabat/Morocco

    Terwijl de Europese Unie Noord- en subsahara-Afrikaanse landen steeds meer onder druk zet om hun grenzen voor migranten te sluiten, zien we geen serieuze duurzame initiatieven die werken aan de gronden waarom migranten hun land willen verlaten. Er is daarom geen vooruitzicht op een verandering van de komst van migranten naar Europa voor een beter leven (voornamelijk geld sturen naar de familie in land van herkomst).
    Tegelijkertijd zien we dat migranten zich organiseren in zelf opgezette groepen en netwerken in landen van herkomst, transit en vestiging. Bovendien zien we dat er tussen deze organisaties uitwisseling en bundeling is. Dat zijn migranten maar ook zelforganisaties van mensen die in het zuiden willen blijven en daar werken aan duurzame en solidaire sociale bewegingsstructuren. Dat is onze steun waard. En door samenwerking tussen sociale organisatie in Europa en in het zuiden kunnen stappen gezet worden.

    Op 1 en 2 december 2018 vindt er in een migrantenwijk van Rabat een grote migratiebijeenkomst plaats genaamd « LA PAROLE AUX MIGRANTS ». Het zal gaan over vrijheid van migratie, de Europese druk en invloed op de Afrikaanse landen, de omstandigheden waarin migranten verkeren in de bufferstaten als Marokko en het verzet van migrantenzelf- en migrantensteun-organisaties uit Afrika en Europa.

    Er zullen zo’n 200 mensen aanwezig zijn, voornamelijk subsahara migranten (en migranten-zelforganisaties) uit Rabat en elders in Marokko (Oujda, Tanger, Nador en Casablanca), lokale zelforganisaties van migranten en niet-migranten uit enkele Afrikaanse landen (Mali, Niger, Kongo en Gabon), Marokkaanse NGO’s en migrantensteunorganisaties uit Europa (Duitsland, Oostenrijk, Nederland, Zwitserland en Luxemburg) zoals All Included, Afrique-Europe Interact, Whatch the Med Alarm Phone.

    Het initiatief en de organisatie zijn in handen van de Vereniging van Vluchtelingen en Migrantengemeenschappen in Marokko (ARCOM) en het Platform van Subsaharaanse Verenigingen en Gemeenschappen in Marokko (PASCOMS).
    Het moment is gekozen vanwege het UN Wereldforum over Migratie en Ontwikkeling plaats in Marrakesh/Marokko 5-7 dec. 2018. De migrantenbijeenkomst wil haar stem laten horen over migratie en ontwikkeling.

    Bovendien is het nu vijf jaar geleden dat Marokko begon met de ontwikkeling van een nationaal migratiebeleid met inbegrip van een asielwetgeving. In de afgelopen 50 jaar is Marokko eerst van een migratieland veranderd in een doorvoerland en nu in een land van bestemming.
    Wat is de impact van het Marokkaans migratiebeleid op het leven van de migranten in Marokko en op de mogelijkheden om te migreren?

    In deze manifestatie zal zowel worden teruggekeken naar de ervaringen van migrantenstrijd en van migratiebeleid in een Noord-Afrikaanse bufferstaat en wordt de stem aan de migranten in Marokko gegeven. “La Parole aux Migrants” zal een uitwisseling worden van de opbouw van migranten-netwerken in de strijd tussen Noord en Zuid, tegen de grenzen en tegen de repressieve politiek van landen uit zowel het noorden als het zuiden.

    ARCOM is een van oorsprong Kongolese zelforganisatie uit Rabat die voordater een Marokkaanse migratie- en asielbeleid was als eerste opkwam voor de rechten van (irreguliere) migranten in Marokko. Momenteel beheert het een vijftal ondergrondse opvanghuizen voor net aangekomen subsahara vrouwen en kinderen in Rabat.

    Wil je financieel bijdragen, dan kan je storten op de bankrekening van All Included IBAN NL94 INGB 0004 8645 27 ovv « LA PAROLE AUX MIGRANTS ».

    Meer informatie: https://afrique-europe-interact.net/38-1-Our-Network.html?article_id=38&clang=0

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  • Duizenden reddingsvesten in de hofvijver uit protest tegen het dodelijke EU migratiebeleid

    twee jaar na de totstandkoming van de EU-Turkije deal

    Duizenden Reddingsvesten in de Hofvijver in Den Haag from Alarmphone on Vimeo.

    Watch The Med Alarmtelefoon Nederland verplaatst buitengrenzen van de EU naar de Hofvijver in Den Haag. Enkele tientallen mensen hebben duizenden reddingsvesten verspreid in de hofvijver. De vesten komen van het Griekse eiland Lesbos en zijn gebruikt door migranten op weg naar Europa.

    We voeren hiermee actie voor het recht op vrijheid van migratie, twee jaar na de totstandkoming van de EU-Turkije deal. Terwijl een van de bedenkers van die deal aan de Kamercommissie uitlegt dat zijn plan gefaald heeft. Watch The Med Alarmtelefoon Nederland roept de Europese Commissie, het EU parlement en de verschillende lidstaten waaronder Nederland op om een einde te maken aan de massale verdrinkingsdood van migranten in de Middellandse zee.

    In plaats van hiertegen op te treden werpt de EU steeds hogere grenzen op. Ze sluiten deals met landen waar dagelijks mensenrechten worden geschonden. Twee jaar geleden nam Nederland het voortouw bij het opzetten van deze deal. Sinds de EU Turkije deal zijn evenveel mensen verdronken als in de twee jaar ervoor. Desondanks blijft de deal in stand. Ook de recente ontwikkelingen in Turkije, met veel mensen-rechtenschendingen en de bombardementen op Afrin veranderen niet de houding van de EU, waaronder Nederland.

    Wij eisen:

    – een einde te maken aan de omstreden deals met landen als Libië, Soedan en Turkije
    – een einde te maken aan de financiering van de Libische kustwacht / milities
    – een grootschalige permanente search en rescue operatie veilige routes naar Europa
    – te werken aan aan eerlijke internationale welvaart verdeling

    VRIJHEID VAN MIGRATIE VOOR ALLEN

    Watch The Med Alarmtelefoon Nederland

    Deaths at the Borders of Southern Europe (VU University Amsterdam) – click Play on the animated map

    WTMAP_ANP_zwemvestenActievoerders hebben maandag enkele honderden reddingsvesten in het water van de Hofvijver gegooid. De vesten lagen pal voor het Torentje van premier Mark Rutte. Met de actie wil de organisatie ‘Watch the Med Alarm Phone Nederland’ aandacht vragen voor de tweede verjaardag van de ‘Turkijedeal’. In een flyer stelt de organisatie dat er, sinds de migratieafspraken met Turkije gemaakt werden, 7954 mensen verdronken zijn in de Middellandse Zee. Volgens Watch the Med, een Duitse hulporganisatie die verdrinkingen van en geweld tegen vluchtelingen op zee in kaart brengt, zijn dat evenveel doden als in de twee jaar vóór de deal. De organisatie stelt dat de Europese Unie ‘steeds hogere grenzen opwerpt’, in plaats van vluchtelingen te helpen via veilige routes naar Europa te komen. Watch the Med wil dan ook een ‘vrijheid van migratie’, in plaats van ‘deals met landen waar dagelijks mensenrechten worden geschonden’. Ook wil de organisatie dat de EU een grootschalige operatie opzet om vluchtelingen op zee te vinden en te redden. < | beeld anp / Marten van Dijl
    29425032_1825215460845342_8787485869092110336_n

  • Burgerlijke ongehoorzaamheid op zee – Drie jaar Alarm telefoon

    Ervaringen analyses en interviews vastgelegd in brochure In solidarity with migrants at sea! The Alarm Phone 3 years on

    Oktober 18, 2017
    3y_ap_intro_welcomeunited-1024x576            Geen “Frontex maar Veerboten wagen” op de We’ ll come United Demonstratie in Berlijn op 16 september 2017 (Photo: Mazlum Demir)

    Op 25 juni 2017 , zoals zo vaak daarvoor gebeurde, ontving ons alarmtelefoon team een bericht van Vader Mussie Zerai. Hij was gewaarschuwd door migranten op een boot in nood waar zo’n 100 mensen aan boord waren. Ze waren vertrokken uit Al Khums in Libie en bevonden zich in een gebied ver verwijderd van de zogenaamde Search and Rescue zone’ s waar verschillende NGO schepen actief waren. Terwijl het alarm telefoon team ze snel en vaak probeerde te bereiken slaagden zij er niet in, wat wel lukt was om het tegoed op hun telefoon van een afstand op te laden zodat zij contact konden blijven houden met de buitenwereld. En dat er contact was dat konden we waarnemen aan het steeds meer dalende tegoed op hun telefoon. We informeerde het  Italiaanse kustwacht coördinatie centrum in Rome en namen contact op met de Moonbird, een door Sea watch en het Humanitaire piloten initiatief gestart zoek verkeningsinitiatief. We stuurden hun de GPS locatie van de boot en zij beloofden in dat gebied een zoektocht te starten. Kort daarna het vliegtuig van de NFGO vertrok en vond het schip in de buurt van de opgegeven locatie, en gaven de nieuwe locaties door aan ons en aan de autoriteiten. Enkele uren later ontvingen wij een bevestiging dat de boot met alle mensen aan boord gered was.

    Deze zaak was 1 van de 1840 zaken van de  Watch the Med Alarmtelefoon waar wij in onze eerste 3  operationele jaren mee te maken hebben gehad. Deze zaak is , net als vele andere zaken, exemplarisch voor een nieuwe vorm van activisme , 1 waarbij een diverse groep van actoren, waarvan sommige onbekenden zijn van elkaar, samenkomen  en een complexe solidariteitsketting vormen met als doel om razendsnel te interveniëren en hun te ondersteunen die zeegrenzen oversteken.

    Vader Zerai wereld wijd bekend binnen de Oost Afrikaanse gemeenschap en diaspora, ontving een SOS bericht van een boot en alarmeerde een van onze vele shift teams die opereren vanuit landen in heel Europa vanuit noord Afrika en Turkije. Aangezien veel zogenaamde Search and Rescue schepen  buiten het SOS gebied van deze boot actief waren, alarmeerde wij de Moonbird, crew die vanuit Malta opereren, en zetten zo een lucht verkenningsoperatie in gang. Deze nieuwe samenwerkings- verbanden zowel op de grond als in de lucht hebben als doel en dragen bij aan zogenaamde Freedom of Movement en Safe passage van migranten. Deze nieuwe vormen van solidariteit komen niet uit de lucht vallen maar vloeien voort uit de tomeloze wil en energie vanuit Grassroot organisaties om samen te werken in de strijd tegen  het Europese Grenzenregime.

    Onze Alarm telefoon ging van start op 11 oktober 2014 en is nu meer dan drie jaar 24/7 operationeel. 11 oktober 2017 was het de vierde “ verjaardag “ van een afschuwelijk scheepsramp waarbij meer dan 260 gestorven zijn, of beter gezegd:Where left to die. Italiaanse en Maltese autoriteiten   waren op de hoogte van de positie van dit schip en van de situatie aan boord maar vertraagde willens en wetens de reddingsoperatie waardoor deze afschuwelijke tragedie kon plaats vinden. En zijn ook direct verantwoordelijk hiervoor.
    De afgelopen drie jaar zijn we getuige geweest en hebben onderdeel uitgemaakt van onvoorstelbare en ongelooflijke gebeurtenissen, van de onvoorspelde massale grens overschrijdingen in 2015 toen meer dan een 1 miljoen mensen hun boot tocht overleefden en vele van hun te voet verder trokken Europa in, de gewelddadige pogingen om de Balkan route te sluiten, waarin maritieme migratie in de Egeïsche zee werd bestreden  door omstreden Deals te sluiten, tot het op uiterst cynische wijze in diskrediet brengen en  criminaliseren van NGO’ s die bezig zijn met uiterst belangrijke zoek en reddingsoperaties op zee in 2017. Dit terwijl de hele tijd het dodental in het Middellandse zee gebied  schrikbarend blijft stijgen meer dan 11000 doden waren er in de afgelopen paar jaar officieel geregistreerd, maar hoeveel mensen er daadwerkelijk zijn gestorven zal onduidelijk blijven.

    Op dit moment hebben we te maken met ongekende repressie, of wat we zouden kunnen beschrijven als een “roll back” van het Europese grenzen regime. Als reactie op de massale doorbraak van de grenzen voornamelijk  2015  en begin 2016, zijn we er nu getuige van  hoe de EU samen met haar Lidstaten op uiterst Cynische wijze grenzen aan het versterken is en obstakels aan het opwerpen zijn om vrijheid van beweging tegen te gaan. Door ondermeer samen te werken met dictatoriale regimes en de buiten grenzen van Europa te verplaatsen naar landen als Mali, Niger en Soedan, door het criminaliseren van NGO’ s, door buiten grenzen te militariseren, en door het aanscherpen van het Dublin verdrag geeft de EU vorm aan deze zogenaamde “Roll back”.

    Deze maatregelen worden in Europa gemengd ontvangen, waar sommige staan te applaudisseren of roepen om nog verder gaande repressieve maatregelen,  organiseren andere zich en komen hier tegen in opstand. Je kunt stellen dat er een sterke polarisering binnen de samenleving plaatsvind. In dit klimaat van repressie en van onduidelijkheid maar ook van toenemend collectief solidariteit organisatie en verzet gaan wij door met ons werk  van ; vastleggen, netwerken en interveniëren.

    Verschillende nationale en Europese actoren proberen het werk van zogenaamde SAR NGO’ s onmogelijk te maken en ze weg te jagen uit het Middellandse zee gebied.  Zodat er een gebied ontstaat waar migranten ongezien slachtoffer worden van de straffeloze acties uitgevoerd door deze actoren. Is dit cynisch ja maar helaas wel de realiteit. Dit is precies de reden waarom onze mogelijkheid als alarmtelefoon om te kijken, luisteren, en om burgerlijk ongehoorzaam op te treden daar waar nodig,  in het leven is geroepen en noodzakelijk is.

    We weten dat mensen zullen blijven migreren, ondanks de zogenaamde “ Roll back” en steeds meer gewelddadige grenzen en gevaarlijke paden die worden opgeworpen en moeten worden genomen. In onze tijden van onrust, conflicten, oorlog en economische uitbuiting zijn redenen om een grens over te steken veelzijdig – er zijn gewoon zoveel mensen die willen, en moeten ontsnappen. Wanneer honderden door de hekken van de Spaanse enclaves in Marokko breken of met de boot in het zuiden van Spanje aankomen en ‘Boza!’ Schreeuwen, wanneer boten op de Griekse eilanden komen ondanks de overeenkomst tussen de EU en Turkije of wanneer duizenden aan de gruwelijke omstandigheden in Libië ontsnappen en aankomen in Italië, stuk voor stuk  tonen ze aan dat ondanks repressie migratie haar wegen vindt. Het is hun kracht en strijd die ons activisme inspireert, hun vastberadenheid, die onwillig is om te buigen voor wat soms een onoverkomelijke grensapparaat lijkt. Niet alleen langs de Middellandse Zee, maar ook veel verder in het zuiden en het oosten, in landen van herkomst organiseren groepen en gemeenschappen zich om onbevoegde grensoverschrijding mogelijk te maken  en te ondersteunen.

    Terwijl de EU barrières bouwt, mobiliseren wij langs de oevers van de Middellandse Zee aan beide kanten om bruggen te creëren. De waarde van het Alarm telefoonproject kan niet alleen worden afgemeten aan het het aantal noodoproepen dat het ontvangt, maar ook aan de vele initiatieven, netwerken en projecten die het heeft ondersteund of geholpen. Wij zien de Middellandse Zee niet als een dodelijke grenszone, maar een ruimte van ontmoeting, verbinding en gemeenschap. Naast ons dagelijks ondersteuningswerk  van mensen die onderweg zijn via ons telefoonactivisme, zijn er zusterprojecten opgetreden, waaronder de Desert Phone, Missing at Borders en Boza Tracks, die ook in onze bijgesloten brochure worden gepresenteerd. We hebben daarnaast deelgenomen aan campagnes die de dramatische situatie in het Middellandse-Zeegebied aankaarten en tegen gaan. Eind september 2017 organiseerden onze Tunesische Alarmtelefoonleden bijvoorbeeld een grote conferentie in Tunis, waar migranten-gemeenschappen, activisten en NGO’s uit Noord-Afrika en elders samen kwamen om te spreken over ‘Migratiebewegingen rondom de Middellandse Zee, onder het motto:  Realiteiten en Uitdagingen’ . Ongeveer dezelfde tijd in Berlijn, meer dan 1.500 kilometer verderop, vond er een grote demonstratie plaats onder het motto ‘‘We’ll Come United’’ ter herdenking aan de “ March of Hope”  . De mars van migranten die twee jaar geleden door verschillende Europese grenzen brak en daarmee de ‘lange zomer van migratie’ ingang zette die Europa veranderde.

    Net zoals het Alarmtelefoon netwerk zelf, is deze brochure een collectie van verschillende artikelen. Het biedt analyses van de situaties in de drie belangrijkste mediterrane regio’s en reflecties over enkele van de gedenkwaardige ervaringen die we de afgelopen drie jaar hebben mee gemaakt. Het bevat interviews met sommige leden, onze vrienden, kameraden, contactpersoon of migranten  die we in noodgevallen tegenkwamen, waarin zij gehoord worden, en het geeft een overzicht van de verschillende netwerken en zusterprojecten waarbij de alarmtelefoon betrokken is.

    Laten we verder gaan!
    De WatchTheMed Alarm telefoon!

  • Welcome United – Fighting for equal social rights

    Welcome United – Fighting for equal social rights
    Call for transnational action days in September 2017

    We won’t get used to what is happening right before our eyes and what is declared as normal: death at sea, push backs and detention, exploitation and no rights. These conditions shape the daily lives of hundred thousands all over Europe and of those who still seek to come here. People are being insulted, spat on and beaten. The solidarity of hundreds of thousands is mistreated and stamped on. We are looked at with a lot of suspicion. They build fences to prevent us from entering. They deport us to make us disappear. But we are here. We will stay. We have our hopes. We have our dreams. We live. Welcome united.

    We will not give up. We remember the summer of 2015. Hundreds of thousands opened Europe’s borders. No one could stop them because they didn’t let anyone stop them. They just began to walk. On Friday September 4th, thousands of migrants trapped in Hungary, at the Budapest train-station Keleti, took the road, starting the „march of hope“, opening the Austrian borders. And further on to their families and friends all over Europe. Freedom of movement did not remain a demand anymore. The movement took its freedom. For the right to have rights, for the right to presence, to protection, to help and to a future. The “march of hope” remains an unforgettable event in the long history. And in our collective memory of struggles for the right to escape and to migrate.

    Now we still face an ongoing rollback. With new repressive laws and more racist agitation. But we continue to come from the global south. To leave misery and war, which comes from the global north. We cross the sea from Libya, we overcome the fences from Ceuta. Or we find and invent other paths into the fortress of Schengen. In underground railroads against the EU-border regime.

    Day in day out, we seek to resist the injustice of the current order. The small and the large protests have become part of our lives. The hopes of 2015 have not yet been suffocated. These hopes have found expression in the acts of solidarity of thousands of people in all over Europe and beyond. Hopes and solidarity which also inspires and infects the transit- and destination societies. For a better life for all. Whether it’s about the right to dignified housing or work, to education, mobility or health care. We don’t accept to be treated just as cheap labor, that can be exploited or dismissed when needed. We fight for the freedom of movement against the European government of mobility, against low paid jobs, deportations and pushbacks. Social and political rights exist for everybody everywhere. Without exceptions and from the very start. In solidarity and against any kind of divide and rule.

    We continue to fight for the refugees’ and migrants’ right to presence, and also for the right to our presence. We provide everyday support. We protest state persecution and deportation. We strike against the borders and against exploitation and precarious labour conditions of all, migrants as well as non migrants. We rise up against the new right-wing populism and old forms of fascism. We are here and we stand with those who came. We are the ones who arrived. Welcome united!

    In the transnational action days we want to create spaces for all those voices and stories that are usually not heard or that are supposed to remain unheard. Everyone who cares about the common good and solidarity should come out. Everyone who can no longer bear that people are forced o stay in miserable conditions or left to suffer and die at Europe’s borders, should come out. We know well that many have fought for years for their future. Now is the time to raise our voices together. We are more than we think! We’ll come United!

    Against this background we call for decentralized actions and local meetings around the anniversary of the march of hope, starting from the 2nd of September 2017 – in your city, your village, your neighbourhood. Be creative!
    And we invite delegations from all over Europe to come to Berlin at the 16th of September to join a big antiracist parade.

    Welcome united! We’ll come United!

    First Signatures:
    Network of Social Support to Refugees and Migrants, Diktio, Athens, Greece
    Clandestina,Thessaloniki, Greece
    Second Home, migrant community from Ljubljana, Slovenia
    Welcome Initiative, Zagreb, Croatia
    Coordinamento Migranti Bologna, Italy
    Aktion Zunder, Switzerland
    Autonome Schule Zurich, Switzerland
    collectif R, Switzerland
    solidarités sans frontières, Switzerland
    „wo Unrecht zu Recht wird“, Switzerland
    Association des Travailleur Maghrébin de France, Strasbourg
    Missing at the Borders, France
    Get-Together Network in Germany
    WatchTheMed Alarm Phone with groups from Berlin, Bremen, Bristol, Cologne, Hamburg,
    Hanau, Istanbul, Izmir, Leipzig, Munich, Netherlands, Strasbourg, Tunis, Zurich
    Moving Europe
    Afrique Europe Interact
    Welcome to Europe

    Contact: kmii-hanau@antira.info <mailto:kmii-hanau@antira.info>
    Website of Get-Together Network in Germany:
    http://www.welcome-united.org

  • Rapport de la manifestation du Jeudi 9 Juin 2016 à Sokodé (Togo)

    RESEAU AFRIQUE-EUROPE INTERACT SECTION TOGO (AEI-TOGO)

    Le jeudi 9 Juin 2016, l’Association Togolaise des Expulsés a organisé une manifestation à Sokodé (Togo). L’objectif de la manifestation était de dénoncer la politique migratoire de l’union européenne en Afrique et surtout le plan d’action de la valette au sommet Afrique Europe en novembre 2015. La population de Sokodé a été sensibilisée sur quatre points :

    • Visa et tracasseries aux frontières

    • Déportations et la politique migratoire européenne

    • Situation de migrants en mer et dans le désert

    • Approches de solutions à la question migratoire en Afrique et en Europe.

    Le facilitateur de cette sensibilisation, le Coordinateur du Réseau Afrique-Europe InternAct section-Togo a expliqué les quatre points sus-indiqués.

    Dans son explication, il a apporté la lumière de la complicité des chefs d’Etat africains de refuser aux ambassades européens de donner des visa à leur concitoyen désireux de voyager.

    Le facilitateur a ensuite dénoncer la politique de l’union européenne aux participants. En effet, l’UE a crée une agence européenne dénommée le FRONTEX pour empêcher les migrations vers l’Europe. L’UE a donc signé des accords avec les pays africains membre de FRONTEX.

    Abordant la situation des migrants dans la mer méditerranée et dans le désert, le facilitateur a fait comprendre à la population d’importants dégâts en vies humines dans la mer et dans le désert. Il a souligné le décès de deux (02) jeunes gens de Sokodé dont l’un est coiffeur l’autre un photographe. Selon l’OIM, on compte plus de 5 000 morts en 2015.

    Que faut-il faire face à cette situation de départ des jeunes africains vers l’Europe ?

    Selon les participants à la manifestation, il faut : (voir la déclaration en annexe)

    Fait à Sokodé, le 14 Juin 2016

    Le Rapporteur

    Razakou ABOUBAKARI

    Thème : « Sauvons la vie des migrants »

    DECLARATION

    Le Jeudi 9 Juin 2016, le Réseau Afrique Europe Interact Section Togo à organisé une manifestation sur le thème « Sauvons la vie des migrants » dans la ville de Sokodé (Togo). En effet, Sokodé est l’une des principales villes togolaises de départ de migrants et compte au sein de sa population actuelle beaucoup d’anciens migrants expulsés d’Europe et de divers pays d’Afrique vers le Togo.

    Etaient présents à la manifestation les membres de l’Association Togolaises des expulsés (ATE), les migrants de transit (Nigérien, Malien, Peuls nomades…) le groupement des femmes migrantes de l’Afrique Subsaharienne et de l’Europe et une centaine d’habitants de la ville de Sokodé.

    L’objectif de la manifestation était de dénoncer le plan d’action de la valette sur les nouvelles politiques migratoires adoptées par l’Union Européennes. Les participants à la manifestation, à la suite des témoignages et exposé débat du thème entendus, déclarent :

    • La migration est un mouvement d’individus dans le temps et dans l’espace.

    • La nécessité de mettre fin aux expulsions des migrants dans tout pays (Afrique ou Europe)

    • L’urgence de soutenir des migrants expulsés ou refugiés.

    Ils a appellent à :

    • Ouvrir les frontières et permettre la libre circulation des personnes et des biens.

    • Revoir la p politique de contrôle des frontières par l’agence FRONTEX.

    • Mettre plus de ressources suffisantes sur le plan économique, social et culturel en Afrique pour la réduction de la pauvreté.

    • Organiser des forums à l’échelle internationale pour une résolution définitive de la question de la migration.

    Non à l’agence européenne de contrôle des frontières (FRONTEX) !

    Non aux accords signés par les Etats africains pour empêcher leur propre population de migrer.

    Fait à Sokodé, le 9 Juin 2016

  • Joint NGO statement condemning new EU policies to contain migration

    At the upcoming European Council, European Union (EU) leaders will discuss the European Commission’s Communication on a new Partnership Framework with third countries. The Communication proposes an approach which aims to leverage existing EU and Member States’ external cooperation instruments and tools in order to stem migration to Europe. The undersigned organisations express their grave concern about the direction the EU is taking by making deterrence and return the main objective of the Union’s relationship with third countries. More broadly, this new Partnership Framework risks cementing a shift towards a foreign policy that serves one single objective, to curb migration, at the expense of European credibility and leverage in defence of fundamental values and human rights.

    http://oxf.am/ZB8f

    The proposed approach is inspired by the EU-Turkey deal which although touted as a successful example of cooperation, has actually left thousands people stranded in Greece in inhumane and degrading conditions. This has particularly affected children, with the result that hundreds of unaccompanied children have been held in closed detention facilities on the islands or forced to sleep in police cells on the Greek mainland. The wider repercussions of this should not be underestimated. It is hard to see how Europe can ask partner countries to keep their doors open, to host large-scale refugee populations and prevent further movements while at the same time Member States refuse to shoulder their fair share of responsibility for protecting people who flee
    their homes. The right to asylum is being significantly undermined, and it will become more and more challenging for civilians in conflict zones to seek international protection.

    The Commission’s proposal ignores all the evidence on the ineffectiveness of deterrence strategies aimed at stopping migration. This approach will not only fail to “break the business-model” of smugglers but increase human suffering as people are forced into taking more dangerous routes. Moreover, despite the stated commitment to respect the principle of non-refoulement, there are no safeguards envisaged to ensure that human rights, rule of law standards and protection mechanisms are in place. As a result, people risk being deported to countries where their rights are not safeguarded. Responsibility and liability for human rights violations do not end at Europe’s borders.

    We are disappointed to see that once again the emphasis on deterrence leaves no clear commitments to open up safe and regular channels to Europe for those in need of international protection and for other migrants, e.g. through resettlement, humanitarian admission schemes, family reunification, educational visas, labour mobility and visa liberalisation. Resettlement, labour migration and visa liberalisation are only mentioned as possible leverage with partner countries in a quid pro quo approach.

    Another major concern is the financing of the proposed Partnership Framework which would represent a wholesale re-orientation of Europe’s development programming towards stopping migration. This is an unacceptable contradiction to the commitment to use development cooperation with the aim to eradicate poverty, as enshrined in the Lisbon Treaty. Aid is for thebenefit of people in need, and should not be used as a leverage for migration control. EU funding should be transparent and adhere to clearly established principles, such as the Busan principles on effectiveness and the Paris principles of ownership by and alignment to partner countries’ strategies. In addition, striking ‘migration management’ agreements with countries where grave human rights violations are committed will be counter-productive in the longer term – undermining
    human rights around the globe and perpetuating the cycle of abuse and repression that causes people to flee.

    Migration has many drivers; people may be on the move in search of new livelihood opportunities, an education or to reunite with family, while conflict and violence, human rights violations, climate change, poverty and unemployment can all trigger migration and forced displacement. Any cooperation to manage migration should take into consideration this complex and multi-faceted reality, be evidence and needs-based, and ensure that the benefits of migration are maximised and the risks are mitigated.

    If the EU wants to call for more global solidarity, it needs to set the right example. The EU, a project built on the rubble of a devastating war, is about to embark on a dark chapter of its history. We urge EU leaders to choose a rights-based system to manage migration, based on a viable long-term strategic vision, rather than pursuing an unattainable and inhumane deterrence objective and thereby abandoning its core founding principles.

    As human rights, humanitarian, medical, migration and development agencies, and key implementing partners of development programmes in third countries, we call on European leaders to:

    1. Reject the current Commission Communication and develop a sustainable long-term and evidence-based strategy for migration management, in consultation with civil society and experts.

    2. Facilitate safe mobility by opening and strengthening safe and regular channels to Europe both for those in need of international protection and other migrants including through resettlement, humanitarian admission and humanitarian visas, family reunification, worker mobility across skill levels and student visas. Member States must commit to clear benchmarks and appropriate timelines for implementing a migration framework that meets
    the needs of migrants , asylum-seekers and refugees, their families, as well as the needs and obligations of Member States.

    3. Exclude any conditionality based on migration control indicators in the allocation of development aid to third countries. Development aid is a tool to fight poverty and inequality, not to manage migration. Vulnerable populations should not be punished because of concerns that are largely political.

    4. Stop any readmissions or removals of people by the EU to a third country that violate – or risk violating – fundamental rights and rule of law, including the principle of non-refoulement. Ensure access to protection, justice and effective remedy for all people in migration and asylum procedures.

    5. Ensure transparency in the development of any instruments to manage migration and accountability for human rights violations resulting from EU migration policies.6. Commit to a foreign policy and action focused on preventing and unlocking protracted crises. While the Communication mentions the need to address root causes of displacement in the long term, it does not include engagement to prevent and manage crises.

    Signatories
    ACT Alliance EU
    ActionAid
    aditus foundation
    Afrique Culture Maroc
    Agir Ensemble pour les Droits de l’Homme
    Aid Services
    Amnesty International
    Amycos
    Andalucía Acoge
    Asamblea de Cooperacion Por la Paz ACPP
    Asgi – Associazione per gli Studi Giuridici sull’Immigrazione
    Asociacion por ti mujer
    Asociacion Salud y Familia – Spain
    Association for action against violence and trafficking in human beings-Open Gate
    La Strada Macedonia.
    Association for the Social Support of Youth
    Ayuda en Acción
    British Refugee Council
    CAFOD
    Care International
    CCOO de Andalucia
    Centre for Youths Integrated Development.
    Centro de Investigaciones en Derechos Humanos PRO IGUAL
    ChildFund Alliance
    Church of Sweden
    Churches’ Commission for Migrants in Europe
    Citizens’ association for combating trafficking in human beings and all forms of gender-
    based violence
    CNCD-11.11.11
    Comisión Española de Ayuda al Refugiado –CEAR-
    Concern Worldwide
    CONCORD Europe
    CONCORD Sweden
    Conseil des Béninois de France
    Consortium of Migrants Assisting Organizations in the Czech Republic
    Coordinadora Andaluza de ONGD
    Coordinadora Cantabra de ONGD
    Coordinadora de ONGD de la Región de Murcia
    Coordinadora de ONGD del Principado de Asturias38.
    Coordinadora de ONGD España
    Coordinadora de ONGD Navarra
    Coordinadora Extremeña de ONGD
    Coordinadora Gallega de ONGD
    Coordinadora ONGD de Castilla y León
    Coordinadora Valenciana de ONGD
    Cordaid
    Detention Action
    Detention Forum
    Doctors of the World International network
    EU-CORD Network
    Eurochild
    EuroMed Rights
    European Association for the Defence of Human Rights
    European Council on Refugees and Exiles
    European Youth Forum
    Federación Aragonesa de ONGD
    Federación de Asociaciones de Derechos Humanos
    Federation of Christian NGOs in Italy
    FIACAT
    FIDH
    FIZ advocacy and support for migrant women and victims of trafficking
    Flüchtlingsrat Niedersachsen e.V.
    Forum des Organisations de Solidarité Internationale issues des Migrations
    Fundacion 1o de Mayo de Comisiones Obreras
    Fundación Alianza por los Derechos, la Igualdad y la Solidaridad Internacional –APS-
    Greek Forum of Refugees
    Habitat for Humanity International, Europe, Middle East and Africa
    Handicap International
    Human Rights Watch
    Human Rights Without Frontiers
    Instituto Sindical de Cooperación al Desarrollo –ISCOD-
    InteRed
    INTERSOS
    Islamic Relief UK
    Jesuit Refugee Service Europe.
    Justice and Peace Netherlands
    KISA-Action for Equality, Support, Antiracism
    Koordinierungsstelle der Österreichischen Bischofskonferenz für internationale
    Entwicklung und Mission
    La Strada International
    Lafede.cat – Organitzacions per a la Justícia Global
    Le Monde des Possibles
    Macedonian Young Lawyers Association
    Menedék – Hungarian Association for Migrants
    Migrant Voice UK83.
    Migrants’ Rights Network
    Movimiento contra la Intolerancia
    Movimiento por la Paz –MPDL-
    Nasc, the Irish Immigrant Support Centre
    Norwegian Refugee Council
    Oxfam
    PAX
    Pax Christi International
    PICUM-Platform for International Cooperation on Undocumented Migrants
    Plan International EU office
    Platform Minors in exile / Plate-forme Mineurs en exil / Platform Kinderen op de vlucht
    (Belgium)
    94. Red Acoge
    95. Réseau de Compétences Solidaires – Groupement d’Economie Sociale et Solidaire France –
    Europe – Afrique
    96. Réseau Immigration Développement Démocratie – IDD
    97. Save the Children
    98. SOS Children’s Villages International
    99. SOS Racisme – Touche pas à mon pote
    100. Stichting LOS
    101. Swedish Refugee Advice Centre
    102. Télécoms Sans Frontières
    103. Terre des Hommes International Federation
    104. The International Federation of Social Workers European Region
    105. The International Rehabilitation Council for Torture victims
    106. the Norwegian Centre Against Racism
    107. Trócaire
    108. World Vision Brussels and EU Representation
    109. ZOA

  • No Border Camp July 15-24th 2016 Thessaloniki (Greece)

    Defencing Festival and Actions on Croatian Slovenian border: june 24-26th 2016

    No Border Camp Thessaloniki July 15-24th 2016

    Programme / newspaper (pdf)

    Help to raise 10.000€ for NoBorder-Camp and self-organized support for refugees in Thessaloniki

    bannerBEnoborderFor the circulation of transnational struggles against state, nationalism, patriarchy and capital

    We want to move” (migrants’ slogan in the highway road between Athens-Thessaloniki)
    Don’t give me food, don’t give me water, open the borders” (migrants’ banner in the occupied railway line in Idomeni)
    Calling

    You can find this call in pdf here

    Today, with neoliberalism established across the planet, it is clear that capitalist relations are being intensified, together with nationalism and patriarchy. Fences and borders are being built not only in the physical space, but also across social relationships. However, the movements and transnational struggles of migrants are constantly producing new cracks in the system, new thresholds and pathways into an unexplored world.

    More specifically, transnational and global agreements further liberalize “free” markets and the lifting of tariff restrictions further ensure property rights for the wealthy. At the same time the former social contract of the welfare state is breaking down and the neoliberal state is claiming the role of manager-partner of companies, keeping for itself solely the army and the police in order to retain some of its administrative and legislative power. Gender oppression, racism and fascism are being remobilized for the control of populations.

    However, social struggles in the form of riots, rebellions, campaigns and movements both before and during the process of this recent “crisis”, seriously challenge all this. Prime examples are the riots in the French banlieues in November and December 2005, the Oaxaca Commune in 2006, the riots in December 2008 in Greece, the magnificently widespread Arab Spring in 2011, the Indignados Citizens Movements in Spain in 2011, the London riots in 2011, the “Occupy” movement in the USA in 2011 and 2012, the uprising at the Gezi park in Istanbul in June 2013, the Brazilian Spring in 2013, the uprisings in Bosnia and other Balkan States during 2013-2014.

    The response of neoliberalism to the recent structural crisis, one that is interpreted by some as a crisis of over-accumulation, by others as a result of civil disobedience, or as the long expected explosion of “abstract labor” in a fully monetarized economy, to extend and intensify its strategy of land-grabbing and pillage of resources, of means of production and of reproduction of whole societies.

    Austerity programs in the countries of the European South, war, religious intolerance and the intensification of gender oppression in the countries of the Arab Spring are part of the same strategy. Thus, whole populations are made to abandon their homes. These people, deprived of their natural and social space, migrate, cross borders, fences, barbed wire, rivers, seas, mines and police patrols. They also face exploitation by traffickers, they are detained in concentration camps and then they are forced to search for a job (usually in the black market, often unpaid) even under extremely dire conditions. Most end up unemployed and they form a kind of reserve workforce or are forced into prostitution, trafficking networks and organ smuggling.

    While more people need to move, more fences are being built. Fortress Europe rises from the ashes of its own crisis by using police procedures and policies of control, imprisonment, pushbacks, illegalization and penalization of the populations in motion. Police and military operations are intensified, N.A.T.O enters the picture, discriminations between immigrants and refugees are constructed and finally concentration camps, hot spots and pushback centers pivot the management of migrant people.

    Migrants moving from Africa and the Middle East towards Europe have challenged and fought against borders and national and supranational policies in practice. During the last months, hundreds of thousands of populations have crossed borders, and the movements for solidarity and emancipation are flourishing. The migrants’ movement with all its inventiveness and ingenuity proves that desires, social relationships and dreams cannot be imprisoned. Their power goes beyond borders and fences.

    It also shows that the motives for migration are mostly to be found in the complex intersections of gender, ethnic, cultural, religious or class discrimination and oppression. Populations in forced mobility develop survival strategies, activate subjective capabilities, coordinate social relationships with other moving people and simultaneously, they create social networks with those they leave behind.

    Therefore, we believe that we should understand but then go beyond the idea that perceives the state, capital, patriarchy and racism as totally dominant upon human subjects, and hence also immigrants as submissive victims in need only of charity, compassion and saving.

    In the last few months, immigrants and people in solidarity with them have met within and beyond the kaleidoscopic fields opened by the crisis. We believe that meetings and struggles should be encouraged, should acquire steady and lasting structures and reinvent the joy and the charm of companionship and sharing.

    For all these reasons, we think it’s crucial that we organize an international No Border Camp this summer in Thessaloniki.

    As for the choice of the specific city, Thessaloniki, it finds itself at the core of conflicts over the control and management of immigration and of the freedom of movement, due to its geographical position in northern Greece, bordering Albania, Rep. of Macedonia and Bulgaria, with many detention camps and pushback centers at its perimeter. In northern Greece as well as in the wider Balkan area, initiatives and solidarity networks have emerged during the last few months that can empower and be enhanced by the organization of a No Border Camp here. Finally, we think that the need for the coordination of various local political collectives and also its available movement infrastructures make Thessaloniki a suitable and reliable choice for the organization of a global and transnational No Border Camp.

    Based on the above framework, the present invitation is articulated as follows:

    a) practicalities of organization

    b) objectives

    c) working groups

    d) structure

    e) themes and topics of the gathering

  • flyer Open Escape Routes! Stop Deportations!

    In the past two weeks alone, more than thousand people died in the Mediterranean Sea. None of them would have needed to die, if there were safe and affordable ways for refugees and migrants to reach Europe by ferry. This shows: Not the cynical methods of the human traffickers are the actual problem, but the migration policy of the EU. Because it leaves people with no option than to embark on the perilious passage on bad and completely overcrowded boats.

    flyer Open Escape Routes! Stop Deportations!143 kB

    flyerValletta

  • Politique de la UE en Afrique – Valletta 2015 – Interview avec Ousmane Diarra et Inna Touré

    Interview with Ousmane Diarra (Association Malienne des Expulsés / Bamako) and Inna Touré (Afrique Europe Interact-Mali) speak about the consequences of Valletta summit and about the current agenda of EU border politics in Africa